The Rise Of Australasia

If governments around the world were to rank the most headache-inducing event they face, most would likely choose protests over war.

For European nations, handling public protests is extremely challenging. Discontented citizens can lead to more severe civil unrest, and in some cases, even the overthrow of governments.

To unquestioningly follow public opinion may contradict the views of some officials in European nations, after all, the views of the people are not always correct.

In such circumstances, controlling public opinion becomes vitally important, as people tend to follow the crowd blindly and are easily swayed by certain opinions.

If it were genuinely the will of the people, it would be one thing, but when changes in public sentiment are influenced by foreign powers, it becomes a difficult choice for some nations.

This tough decision now falls on the American Government, which has caused President Coolidge and other officers considerable headaches.

Setting aside how the public feels, these two wars are definitely not conflicts to withdraw from lightly.

But if the commitment to the wars is maintained, then how should the government address the ire of the American People? Would steadfast prosecution of the wars truly turn the government into the villain as portrayed in news reports?

Especially for a government elected by its people, losing public support means not just that President Coolidge might not be re-elected but also that he could potentially face impeachment by Congress due to a significant drop in public approval.

September 8, 1924, at the White House.

President Coolidge looked grimly at the few people in the Meeting Room, his voice hoarse as he inquired, "Gentlemen, do we have any good solutions now?"

As the numbers of protesters grew, the American Government had to consider the public's attitude.

Regardless, it was impossible for the American Government to completely ignore public sentiment. After all, the United States is a Republic, and government stability relies on the support of its people.

If this were a monarchy like Australasia, the prestige of the Monarch could withstand the pressure for a while.

Were Australasia faced with this situation, Arthur alone could cope, buying the government enough response time.

But clearly, the American Government does not have such a person who can bear the pressure of the people singlehandedly to afford the government more reaction and response time.

"President Sir, I believe that the first thing we need to do is to reduce the number of protesters as much as possible," stated the United States Secretary of State, stepping forward to relieve President Coolidge's concerns.

"How can we reduce the number of protesters?" President Coolidge turned his gaze to the Secretary of State, asking his own question.

"President Sir, we should quickly appease the people and make it clear that this war is not an unjust war," said the Secretary of State. "At the same time, we should highlight the importance of Central America to us. Losing Central America would imperil the Panama Canal.

Should the United States lose control of the Panama Canal, it would be a heavy blow to our economy, industry, and all sectors, not to mention an adverse outcome for the people as well.

Only when they understand the consequences of losing Central America will they stop joining protests against us, and only then can this crisis be initially resolved."

President Coolidge nodded, quite satisfied with the suggestion of the Secretary of State.

"Can the Propaganda Department respond promptly, print some news that proves the justice of our war, and declare the significance of Central America to the entire United States and all Americans?" President Coolidge turned his stern gaze to the Propaganda Department and asked.
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"We will do our utmost to complete the task, Mr. President," replied the head of the Propaganda Department, giving an ambiguous answer.

"I need a definite answer," President Coolidge did not avert his gaze, looking steadfastly and seriously at the Propaganda Department.

"President Sir," the head of the Propaganda Department stood up, somewhat reluctantly, explaining, "Printing these papers takes time, and it is impossible to cover the whole United States in a short period.

Moreover, President Sir, we cannot prevent other Newspaper agencies from printing news; we are behind in this respect.

While we influence the people, other newspapers will also affect many more."

Freedom of the press is relatively high in the United States, but this freedom comes with a downside; it allows industries and enterprises to fall under the control of capital.

Take the media and newspapers that print the news, for instance. Newspapers are an indispensable source of external information for people, and newspaper sales in the United States remain high.

This has led to a serious problem: every state has its own newspaper industry, and even within a single urban city, the competition is fierce.

The current war in Central America has become big news in the United States, and the capitalists would certainly not pass up the opportunity to print such news.

For the Propaganda Department to try to contend against all American newspaper media with its efforts alone is virtually impossible.

There's no way around it, it's this damned freedom. If the government interferes too much with these newspapers and media, it might just add fuel to the public's dissatisfaction, especially in the current situation."

"Damn it," President Coolidge felt anger but was powerless.

Because what the Propaganda Department said was the truth, even President Coolidge couldn't change reality.

They hadn't been able to directly supervise and restrict all the newspapers, but doing so was bound to provoke criticism from these outlets and could potentially escalate the current situation.

The American Government already had a poor reputation, and if it did something extreme, it was uncertain how the people would react.

"Does anyone have a better idea?" President Coolidge asked as he rubbed his forehead.

"President Sir, the spread of such news throughout the United States isn't normal. There is likely interference from other countries behind it."

"This means that in terms of public opinion, we have to contend with several countries. With the advantage already in their hands, it's hard for us to fight back," another confidant of President Coolidge stood up and said.

"Instead of considering how to gain ground in public opinion, we should think about how to minimize losses for the country and government while also regaining as much trust and support from the people as possible."

"Do you have any suggestions?" President Coolidge sighed, speaking as if resigned to his fate.

"The Panama Canal is definitely something we cannot lose. It's vital to the fate of the entire United States and the support of all Americans; we must protect it at all costs," the person continued:

"But on top of that, we have no choice but to make some concessions. Australasia has long coveted the Philippines, and we are out of reach there.

Why not sell the Philippines to Australasia in exchange for Australasia's withdrawal of support for El Salvador?

As for the United Kingdom, without Australasia's support, we can take on Britain alone.

If I remember correctly, relations between Honduras and the United Kingdom aren't good. As long as we promise British Honduras to them, I believe Honduras would be interested in joining us against Britain.

This way, we'd have an ally in Central America, and the losses wouldn't be so great."

"Mr. Erick, do you really think the Australasians would give up their cooperation with the British over a single Philippines?" The United States Secretary of State could hardly bear it and sarcastically rebutted.

The situation was already clear, the Americans were at a disadvantage.

If Australasia continued its firm support for the British, they were likely to gain both the Philippines and El Salvador.

While accepting the American proposal would prevent war, it would only mean obtaining a Philippines that was effectively already secured, which wasn't much of a gain for Australasia, especially since it would mean damaging relations with Britain, obviously not worth the loss.

A conclusion so obvious, Australasians would understand; the likelihood of them accepting the American terms was virtually zero.

Caught off guard, Erick clearly felt embarrassed, but still replied sheepishly, "We have to try. Doing nothing will only make the situation worse."

President Coolidge, feeling extremely weary, rubbed his forehead again and stopped the bickering between his confidants, saying helplessly, "Do our best to get Australasia to stop supporting the British.

If necessary, we can let them have El Salvador. Compared with El Salvador, it's the entirety of Central America that's more important."

"Yes." Hearing President Coolidge's statement, the two stopped arguing and turned their attention back to the current situation in Central America.

On September 9, the United States Ambassador to Australasia conveyed President Coolidge's thoughts, wanting to exchange the Philippines for Australasia's neutrality in this incident.

When this proposal arrived on Arthur's desk, it was already noon on the ninth.

Arthur found it somewhat amusing because the American concessions were made out of desperation. The Philippines was already effectively under Australasia's control, making this concession nothing more than a nominal gesture.

Clearly unimpressed by such terms, Arthur decided to end the talks with the American Ambassador.

"Your Majesty!" The American ambassador hastily stood up, continuing to press his conditions: "If Australasia maintains neutrality in this affair, the United States will no longer intervene in El Salvador's situation, accepting your country's occupation and management."

El Salvador was still quite far from Panama, and it didn't have a strong presence among Central American nations.

For the Americans, losing El Salvador was acceptable, certainly far better than losing all of Central America.

Arthur just smiled and shook his head, speaking to the expectant American Ambassador, "Clearly, Mr. Ambassador, these terms are not enough to compromise our friendship with Britain."