Reincarnated as Nikolai II

Kokovtsov's wartime system.

When the three elements - rationing system, market price controls, and wartime special laws - harmoniously settled into the empire.

Other countries, both Central and Entente Powers alike, rushed to attempt system transformations.

Until last year, no country except us had envisioned a long war, but this battlefield called trenches finally twisted the existing war plans of each nation's leadership.

Germany prohibited market trading of meat and sugar.

With food imports difficult due to Britain's naval blockade, they said the state would distribute domestic food resources.

Similarly, Britain, severely hit by German submarines, announced the implementation of rationing.

They couldn't stand by watching butter, margarine, lard, meat, sugar, and salt prices go mad in half a year.

France essentially gave up on its economy.

This country was pushed back to Paris as soon as war began, lost the northern industrial zone that had been responsible for 40% of their heavy industry to Germany, and lost mineral and coal resource areas, suffering from coal and steel shortages.

But still thoroughly French. A country that once ruled Europe somehow had plenty of money saved up.

The world's largest investing nation and second-largest colonial empire now began hanging all consumption on 'debt' in the name of bonds.

Naturally, the buyers of these bonds were America, Britain, and their own citizens.

When even that wasn't enough, they recently started printing currency recklessly - who knows if they can handle the aftermath.

Thus, even when war breaks out, the state must continue functioning.

Though countless frontline news like which village was occupied, where allied forces retreated, which general achieved great victory through brilliant strategy, continuously satisfies citizens' curiosity through newspapers.

The rear must maintain daily life even during wartime.

Let's state this proposition a bit more strongly.

"No matter what happens on the battlefield, the rear must remain intact. That's what I mean."

Pretending nothing's wrong even after a major defeat at the front yesterday.

Acting like everything's under control even when the market economy becomes increasingly uncontrollable, with volatile stock markets swinging wildly, inflation rates defying predictions, and central banks struggling to maintain stability through their conventional monetary tools. Leaders and economists maintain composed facades while privately grappling with unprecedented economic challenges.

Pretending victory is just around the corner even when it's nearly impossible to gauge the war's outcome, as frontlines shift unpredictably, military strategies evolve rapidly, and both sides face mounting casualties and resource depletion. Officials continue issuing optimistic statements about imminent breakthroughs while commanders on the ground confront complex tactical realities and uncertain strategic positions.

The state must maintain such composure before its citizens.

In other words, I too must act that way in this empire.

Because I am this country's Tsar.

"Then when will the imperial citizens learn about this problem? That is, when will the state be unable to hide reality?"

"...When defeat is imminent. Or after the war."

"Yes, the moment this wartime system ends, the state can no longer deceive its citizens. That is, the frontline's results reach the rear."

Fortunately, Kokovtsov seems to understand my guidance well so far.

If war is an exam where nations pour their blood, resources, and strategic might onto history's answer sheet, then the postwar period serves as the unforgiving report card - revealing not just who emerged victorious, but how well they prepared, adapted, and executed their plans. The margins for error are stained with sacrifice, and the consequences echo through generations.

All examinees, that is, modern nations driven by dreams of imperial dominance and territorial expansion, are racing with their lives, economies, and future prosperity staked on that final grade. Their citizens become unwitting participants in this high-stakes test, where the price of failure isn't measured in red ink, but in shattered cities, broken families, and reconstructed borders. The postwar period becomes the true measure of their preparation, resilience, and ability to translate military victories into lasting diplomatic and economic advantages.

Higher grades.

For more expanded imperialism.

"Now, here's the conclusion. I actually don't care whether Germany perishes or not."

"...Are you saying the war's outcome doesn't matter?"

"No. 'We've already survived this damned war' would be the correct expression. That is, from now on, war isn't a matter of emotion. It's a matter of politics and practical benefits. Strengthening forces for anti-German reinforcement? Tax increases? Offensives? Such talk won't work on me now."

Entering 1915, Western Europe was completely buried in this mud pit called the Great War.

Now ending that Western Front would be impossible in just a year or two.

On January 26th, the Ottoman Empire attacked the Suez Canal.

Now Constantinople is undoubtedly mine.

This country has neither the ability nor will to establish colonies in Africa or advance to Southeast Asia. Even if possible, losses are clear.

So Poland and Constantinople.

These were the two goals the General Staff aimed for before the war.

"This is the empire's current position. My will. Base negotiations on this."

This conversation was about setting guidelines for Prime Minister Kokovtsov and Minister Kitchener, who would soon arrive at the Russian Empire.
Stay connected through empire

While previously we had to properly engage in anti-German warfare, now we move toward interstate politics.

'This is what General Kuropatkin meant by two-front politics.'

Herbert Kitchener requested negotiations a full year early.

Probably because compared to original history, the Russian Empire played a central role in bringing down Germany.

That much by 1915. At this point, not even a year into the war, the empire had obtained everything it could get by its own power.

To advance further now requires only military achievements and politics.

And in March, Minister Kitchener conveyed his wish to visit Russia.

He must undoubtedly want to negotiate for the future war.

[Anglo-French Navy's Full Mobilization in Mediterranean!]

[Largest Joint Army-Navy Operation in History]

Simultaneously, the Battle of the Dardanelles began.

It couldn't be a better time for negotiations.

==

The Border Battles, Battle of the Marne, Race to the Sea, and Battle of Ypres.

France, having experienced major defeats and counterattacks, realized one thing.

Ah, occupying Berlin is impossible from the Western Front.

Perhaps the German army that failed to occupy Paris felt the same way.

They each find it difficult to occupy the other's capital.